U clanku autori se bave militantnim potencijalom koncepta avangarde. Pojavljujuci se u politici i umetnosti u prvoj polovini 19. veka i nastojeci da unisti gotovo celokupnu tradiciju 'burzoaskog' prosvetiteljstva, politicka i umetnicka avangarda nikada nije bila sposobna da se oslobodi svojih korena u vojnickom nacinu razmisljanja. Njena prava sustina je lezala u stvaranju bojnih polja u svakoj oblasti javnog zivota gde je postojala sansa da se unisti gradjansko drustvo - njegova politika, njegova umetnost, njegov nacin razmisljanja, njegova civilizacija. U ime (...) jos necuvene slobode, ona je sirila nasilje i sejala totalitarino seme po sprzenoj zemlji. A na kraju je nisu pobedili njeni mnogobrojni neprijatelji zato jer je postala zrtva vlastite destruktivnosti. (shrink)

U clanku autori se bave militantnim potencijalom koncepta avangarde. Pojavljujuci se u politici i umetnosti u prvoj polovini 19. veka i nastojeci da unisti gotovo celokupnu tradiciju 'burzoaskog' prosvetiteljstva, politicka i umetnicka avangarda nikada nije bila sposobna da se oslobodi svojih korena u vojnickom nacinu razmisljanja. Njena prava sustina je lezala u stvaranju bojnih polja u svakoj oblasti javnog zivota gde je postojala sansa da se unisti gradjansko drustvo - njegova politika, njegova umetnost, njegov nacin razmisljanja, njegova civilizacija. U ime (...) jos necuvene slobode, ona je sirila nasilje i sejala totalitarino seme po sprzenoj zemlji. A na kraju je nisu pobedili njeni mnogobrojni neprijatelji zato jer je postala zrtva vlastite destruktivnosti. (shrink)

U clanku autori ispituju tri pozicije u estetickoj raspravi o uzvisenom koja se vodila u 18. veku - Edmunda Berka, Imanuela Kanta i Fridriha Silera. Oni takodje pokusavaju da rekonstruisu politicku pozadinu svake od ovih teorijskih pozicija: starorezimski konzervativizam, republikanski liberalizam i romanticarsku zudnju za 'trecim putem'. Najsofisticiraniju i najzreliju teoriju uzvisenog pronalaze u Silerovim estetickim delima, pogotovo u onima koja su usledila nakon njegovog razocarenja u Francusku revoluciju i u kojima su najtemeljnije razmatrani odnosi izmedju uzvisenog i paradoksa istorijskog (...) nasilja. (shrink)

In the article the author is following the development of Alfred Rosenberg?s social and political theory. Special attention is given to the anti-Christian attitude of the so-called "chief ideologist of Third Reich". Although one among the creators of the apocalyptic anti-Semitist ideology he opposed Nazi "Eastern politics" during the World War II. Instead of atrocities against the eastern peoples he was prepared to give them certain autonomy and to treat them as some kind of racially inferior allies. For him, only (...) Jews deserved extermination and it was this ultimate goal he expected to shape not only German foreign policy but also war itself. U clanku autor prati razvoj socijalne i politicke teorije Alfreda Rosenberga Posebna paznja je posvecena antihriscanskom stavu takozvanog "glavnog ideologa Treceg rajha". Iako jedan od stvaralaca apokalipticne antisemitske ideologije, on je osporavao nacisticku "istocnu politiku" tokom Drugog svetskog rata. Umesto zverstava prema istocnim narodima, on je bio spreman da im da izvesnu autonomiju i da ih tretira kao svojevrsne rasno inferiorne saveznike. Za njega, samo su Jevreji zasluzivali istrebljenje i taj vrhovni cilj je po njegovom misljenju trebalo da oblikuje ne samo nemacku spoljnu politiku, nego i sam rat. (shrink)

Karl Smit se obicno smatra teoreticarem totalne drzave, totalnog rata i totalnog neprijateljstva. U clanku, medjutim, autor pokusava da pokaze da je od 1937. do 1944, Smit upozoravao na to da su totalni rat i totalno neprijateljstvo opasni po Nemacku i da se mora zaustaviti perpeturanje svih napora za totalizacijom neprijatelja, koji su zapoceli 1914. U svojim teorijskim radovima iz ovog perioda on je nalazio mesta samo za totalnu drzavu - a pogotovo za onu koja je dovoljno jaka da se (...) odupre iskusenju da objavi totalni rat totalnom neprijatelju. Totalna drzava koju je preporucivao Hitleru i njegovim nacionalsocijalistickim sledbenicima bio je nemacki Rajh, kao deo Evrope uredjenje i podeljene izmedju velikih prostora. Pozicionirana u sredini Evrope, izmedju ostalih sila Nemacka je trebalo da bude dovoljno pazljiva da ratuje samo protiv istocnih neprijatelja i samo za 'pravedne' granice. Zaokruzujuci na taj nacin svoj veliki prostor, Nemacka je trebalo da se okrene zadatku eksploatacije razlicitih naroda, kao sto su Poljaci, Cesi i Slovaci, koji su bili proglaseni kao nesposobni da imaju vlastitu drzavu i osudjeni na to da sluze gospodarsku rasu - Nemce. (shrink)

In this article the authors are reconstructing the dichotomies which the young Theodor Adorno was trying to detect in the music of the bourgeois epoch and personify in two antipodes - Franz Schubert and Ludwig van Beethoven. Although already a devotee of Arnold Sch?nberg and the 20th century music avantgardism, Adorno was, in his works prior to his exile from Germany, intensively dealing with Schubert and his opposition towards Beethoven. While Beethoven was a bold and progressive revolutionary, fascinated by the?practical (...) reason? and the mission to rise up and reach the stars, Schubert wanted none of it. Instead, he was looking backwards, to primordial nature and the possibility of man to participate in its mythic cycles of death and regeneration. The lack of synthesis between this two opposing tendencies in the music of early bourgeois epoch lead to the?negative dialectics? of Sch?nberg and 20th century music avantgardism and to the final separation of Beethovenian musical progress and Schubertian musical mimesis. (shrink)

In this article the authors are reconstructing the dichotomies which the young Theodor Adorno was trying to detect in the music of the bourgeois epoch and personify in two antipodes - Franz Schubert and Ludwig van Beethoven. Although already a devotee of Arnold Sch?nberg and the 20th century music avantgardism, Adorno was, in his works prior to his exile from Germany, intensively dealing with Schubert and his opposition towards Beethoven. While Beethoven was a bold and progressive revolutionary, fascinated by the?practical (...) reason? and the mission to rise up and reach the stars, Schubert wanted none of it. Instead, he was looking backwards, to primordial nature and the possibility of man to participate in its mythic cycles of death and regeneration. The lack of synthesis between this two opposing tendencies in the music of early bourgeois epoch lead to the?negative dialectics? of Sch?nberg and 20th century music avantgardism and to the final separation of Beethovenian musical progress and Schubertian musical mimesis. (shrink)

knj. 1. Francuska, Rusija (SSSR), Engleska, SAD -- kn. 2. Skaninavija, Nemačka, Austrija.

U clanku se razmatra znacaj slobode za doba prosvetiteljstva, kao i veze izmedju filozofije prosvetiteljstva i liberalne teorije. Stavise, autorova centralna teza je da svetlost koja je pocela da osvetljava razum u dobu prosvetiteljstva vise nije imala nista ni sa Bogom, ni sa prirodom, vec samo sa ljudskom slobodom. Kao sto je Entoni Esli Kuper, treci erl od Seftsberija, zapazio u jednom od svojih pisama, sloboda je svoje svetlo prvo prosula po Nizozemskoj i Engleskoj. Autor takodje osporava tezu koju je (...) nedavno izneo Dzonatan Irving Izrael u svojim knjigama Radikalno prosvetiteljstvo i Osporeno prosvetiteljstvo da je pokret radikalnog prosvetiteljstva u 18. veku bio skoro iskljucivo inspirisan politickom i religijskom filozofijom Nizozemca Baruha de Spinoze. Iako je Spinozin doprinos radikalnom prosvetiteljstvu jasan i evidentan, on se takodje moze tretirati i kao mislilac koji je inspirisao neke struje umerenog prosvetiteljstva, pa cak i protiv-prosvetiteljstva. PR Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 149029 i 179049: Prosvecenost u evropskom, regionalnom i nacionalnom kontekstu - istorija i savremenost i Politike drustvenog pamcenja i nacionalnog identiteta - regionalni i evropski kontekst. (shrink)

Iako je filozofija prosvetiteljstva rodjena u Nizozemskoj i Engleskoj u kasnom 17. i ranom 18. veku, postojali su znacajni problemi u definisanju slobode. Do sredine 18. veka, pod uticajem?nacionalnog merkantilizma?, sloboda se poimala u sve vise kolektivistickim crtama, doprinoseci stvaranju politicke opcije nacionalnog liberalizma. Zbog toga su u drugoj polovini 18. veka ove dve zemlje progresivno gubile znacaj za pokret prosvetiteljstva, da bi na njegovo vodece mesto dosle dve nove zemlje, koje su otvarale novu politicku opciju demokratskog liberalizma: Sjedinjene Americke (...) Drzave i Francuska. Ipak, individualna sloboda se tokom svog filozofskog i insitucionalnog uspona u doba prosvetiteljstva suocavala ne samo sa jednom, nego sa dve opasnosti: s jedne strane, od opasnosti nestajanja u nacionalnoj slobodi, i, s druge strane, od opasnosti postajanja neobuzdanom i destruktivnom. liberalizam koji je stasavao u Engleskoj u 18. veku postao je svedokom prve opasnosti, dok je druga opasnost nastala pod okriljem Francuske revolucije. Francuzi su prvi u modernoj epohi shvatili da je svetlost slobode prejaka da bi se bez znatnih mera opreza koristila u izgradnji liberalnog civilnog drustva. Zato je odredjeno umeravanje moralo da bude preduzeto. Ideja covecnosti, tj. prava coveka, na kraju je pronadjena kao najbolja za resavanje zadatka ocuvanja individualne slobode, bez zrtvovanja socijalnih veza medju slobodnim individuama. PR Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 149029: Prosvecenost u evropskom, regionalnom i nacionalnom kontekstu - istorija i savremenost i br. 179049: Politike drustvenog pamcenja i nacionalnog identiteta - regionalni i evropski kontekst. (shrink)

The Laozi expounds a thoroughgoing and sustained criticism of government and society. In this paper, I will demonstrate that although this criticism is addressed to the ancient Chinese state, it can also have some validity for the modern state of today. I will first briefly discuss the metaphysical grounds of this criticism and stress that the ruler should use wuwei in governing. Then, I will examine the Laozi’s criticism of the oppressive governments that use unnatural governing through youwei which increases (...) the state disorder, as well as how this criticism is supported by its metaphysical grounds. Third, I will show that the selfish desires may significantly contribute to the state disorder and that the only one to be blamed for the arousing of them is the ruler. At last, I will attempt to show that this criticism may also to a certain extent be directed toward today’s modern state. (shrink)

In this article I will discuss the anarchist and non-anarchist interpretations of the Laozi and argue that the political philosophy of the Laozi does not completely conform to Western anarchism. Thus, firstly I will give a brief introduction to Western anarchism. Then I will present the strongest arguments of the anarchist interpretation and try to find their mistakes and refute them. Finally I will try to give an acceptable non-anarchist interpretation of the political philosophy of the Laozi. In doing steps (...) 2 and 3, I will base my arguments in a way that is consistent with the text of the Laozi itself. Thus, I hope that this article will bring a deeper understanding of the political philosophy of the Laozi and break with the widely spread opinion that the Laozi propounds an anarchist theory. (shrink)

In this article I will discuss the anarchist and non-anarchist interpretations of the Laozi and argue that the political philosophy of the Laozi does not completely conform to Western anarchism. Thus, firstly I will give a brief introduction to Western anarchism. Then I will present the strongest arguments of the anarchist interpretation and try to find their mistakes and refute them. Finally I will try to give an acceptable non-anarchist interpretation of the political philosophy of the Laozi. In doing steps (...) 2 and 3, I will base my arguments in a way that is consistent with the text of the Laozi itself. Thus, I hope that this article will bring a deeper understanding of the political philosophy of the Laozi and break with the widely spread opinion that the Laozi propounds an anarchist theory. (shrink)

The paper explores the imagery and constructions of alterity in the contemporary world. The image of the other is at the same time the image of ourselves, mostly through the metaphor of the?stranger.? This?stranger? represents the unknown, so he/she occasionally provokes fear and resentment, if only for appearing physically different in the?mainstream? culture. This paper traces the genesis and development of certain modernist ideals. The apparent lack of comprehension for others is just a symptom of the much deeper disorder - (...) in the quest for rationality, the meaning of simple human communication seems to be forgotten. Just like in a hall of mirrors, the images that people encounter are basically the images of them?selves - only they have been distorted through nationalist or racist rhetoric. Using the examples from theory as well as from specific cultures, and following on the works of scholars like Kristeva, Linke and Balibar, the author demonstrates the logic behind the need to exclude others, as well as the fact that all of these attempts will eventually back?fire. For we cannot exclude others if we do not at the same time exclude ourselves. U tekstu se razmatraju predstave i konstrukcije drugosti u savremenom svetu. Slike drugih su u isto vreme i predstave nas s?mih, pre svega kroz metaforu?stranca?.?Stranac? ovde predstavlja nepoznato i, kao takav, ona/on moze izazvati strah i odbojnost, makar i samo zbog toga sto izgleda drugacije od pripadnika?osnovne? ili?domace? kulture. U tekstu se razmatra razvoj odredjenih modernistickih ideala. Ono sto izgleda kao nedostatak razumevanja za druge samo je simptom mnogo dubljeg poremecaja - u potrazi za racionalnoscu izgleda da je zaboravljeno znacenje jednostavne ljudske komunikacije. Bas kao u dvorani sa ogledalima, predstave na koje ljudi nailaze su slike njih samih - samo sto su izmenjene nacionalistickom ili rasistickom retorikom. Koristeci primere iz teorije, kao i iz razlicitih kultura i pozivajuci se na radove autora poput Kristeve, Linke i Balibara, autor ukazuje na logiku izopstavanja drugih, kao i na cinjenicu da mnogi ovakvi pokusaji izopstavanja prerastaju u sopstvenu suprotnost. Jer nemoguce je izbaciti druge a da u isto vreme ne izbacimo i sebe same. (shrink)

In this text I will try to explain the theoretical specificity of critique of political economy. I will primarily found my arguments on the texts of Michael Hein- rich and John Milios. To this I will firstly scatch the theoretical context of economic theories that exited at the time of emergence of critique of political economy. Than, I will present main differences in approach that we can find in Marx?s Capital with repsect to the concepts that are utilised and questions (...) that he tries to answer. In the end I will present the directions of development of the critique of political economy that are realted to this basic insight. nema. (shrink)

Between the two World Wars, in Belgrade and Serbia, seven musical journals were published:?Musical Gazette?,?Music?,?Herald of the Musical Society Stankovic?,?Sound?,?Journal of The South Slav Choral Union?,?Slavic Music? and?Music Review?. The influence of marxism can be observed in?Musical Herald?,?Sound? and?Slavic Music?. A Marxist influence is obvious through indications of determinism. Namely, some writers observed elements of musical art and its history as consequences of sociopolitical and economic processes. Still, journals published articles of domestic and foreign authors who interpreted the relation between (...) music, society and economy in a much more moderate and subtle manner. Editors and associates of these journals also had proscriptive ambitions - they recommended and even determined regulations for composers about what kind of music to write according to social goals and needs. According to tendencies in Marxism, there was a follow up of musical work in the Soviet Union. Editors tried not to be one-sided. There were writings about the USSR by left orientated associates as much as emigrants from that country, and articles of Soviet authors were translated. Also, there were critical tones about musical development in the first country of socialism. Serbian musical periodicals recognized the enormous threat from fascism. Also, there were articles about influence of Nazi ideology and dictatorship on musical prospects in Germany. Since Germany annexed Sudetenland in 1938,?Musical Herald? expressed support to musicians and people of that friendly country by devoting the October and November 1938 issue to Czechoslovak music, along with an appropriate introduction by the editor, Stana Djuric-Klajn. (shrink)

In the following text I reexamine the connotations of the term habit from the perspective of Peirce’s pragmatism. I start by tracing back the roots of the term in the Metaphysical Club’s discussions of Alexander Bain’s theory of belief. By stressing the relative overlap between belief and habit I am also proposing that the latter term transcends the boundaries of empirical psychology. Peirce’s well-known antipathy to psychologism in logic raised the status of habit to a universal concept that participates in (...) the unlimited process of interpretation. Habit, therefore, falls into a new lineage of meaning that can be traced back to antiquity and turns into a generative notion with extensive connotations. As a result it becomes an inseparable part of Peirce architectonic philosophy, capable to shed new light on his evolutionary cosmology and metaphysics. Conceiving of habit as an operative element in the evolution of all phenomena in the universe is the main objective of this article. (shrink)

Autor preispituje Herovu tvrdnju o univerzalnom preskriptivizmu kao najadekvatnijoj etickoj teoriji u uzem smislu. Validnost tog stanovista odmerava se u odnosu na neke konkurentne koncepcije, i to preko uslova koji moraju da se ispune kako bi jedna eticka teorija mogla da se nazove adekvatnom.

Autorka u clanku rekonstruise kompleksnu sliku Franca Suberta koju je stvorio Teodor Adorno u nekoliko osvrta na ovog kompozitora, a najvise u clanku?Subert? iz 1928. Adorno je te, 1928. godine doziveo Suberta kao tragicnog kompozitora cija muzika obitava u oblasti htonskih bogova, a da ipak otkriva radost?putujuceg naroda, opsenara i cudotvoraca?. Ipak, nije objasnio kako ova radost moze da prezivi u paklenim pejsazima Subertove htonske muzike. Tek kasnije Adorno je bio spreman da u Subertu prepozna, zahvaljujuci njegovom?habitusu?, i kafanskog sviraca, (...) ne pominjuci vise?putujuci narod, opsenare i cudotvorce?. Te dve predstave Suberta-Subert kao osluskivac htonskih bogova i Subert kao kafanski svirac-pokazale su se kao zanimljiv par vredan dalje teorijske elaboracije koju Adorno, nazalost, nikada nije sproveo. PR Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177019: Identiteti srpske muzike u svetskom kulturnom kontekstu. (shrink)

Ovaj tekst nastoji da nijansira dihotomiju izmedju pojmova istorije i pravde koja je uobicajena u interpretaciji Hobzovog misljenja. Hobzov kriticki stav prema istoriji objasnjava se njegovom polemikom protiv nasledja klasicne antike, koja stoji u vezi s njegovim projektom stroge nauke o moralu i politici. Medjutim, Hobzovo shvatanje pravde ne moze se zasnovati bez izvesnih faktickih, empirijskih elemenata; ono se ne svodi na neku cisto racionalnu konstrukciju. Ovi elementi otvaraju Hobzovo misljenje prema problematici stvarne istorije; za Hobza, najvazniji predstavnici takve vrste (...) istorije su Tukidid i Tacit. Konacno, istorijska dimenzija Hobzovog misljenja dopusta nam da kod njega prepoznamo i jedan siri pojam pravde, koji probija granice pravde koja proizlazi iz ugovora. (shrink)

Notwithstanding the popularity of psychology courses throughout the world, educators face a constant and difficult problem of overcoming the fear of and dislike for statistics which represents one of the pillars of modern psychological science. Although the issue is complex and multifaceted, here I argue that “statophobia” might represent a rational and justified response to the sense of unease felt in contact with abstract statistical concepts which are often vague, circular or ill-defined. I illustrate the problem by briefly discussing two (...) myths about the nature of probability and statistics, namely that probability and statistics generate knowledge and that the fault for not understanding probability lies solely with the subjective cognition which is incapable of comprehending deeper mathematical truth. I argue that the confident presentation of statistical methods hides numerous conceptual blind spots that students might be aware of and that need to be addressed before other causes of statistics anxiety can be tackled successfully. (shrink)

In this paper, I consider an important objection to moral motivation of believers. It is the objection that their acts are motivated by self-interest,i.e. their personal salvation. Such motivation is sometimes identified as selfish. Therefore, I demonstrate the distinction between self-interest and selfishness. I would like to remind the reader that the critique of self-interest as moral motivation of believers appears within the very traditions of the major world religions. Then, I argue that some contemporary forms of secular ethics still (...) refer to a certain form of self-interest. (shrink)

The paper discusses three aspects of belonging to religious systems of belief within a modern liberal society, namely (1) the sincerity and consistency of belief, (2) the possibility of exteriorization of belief through broader social interactions or transactions, and (3) the relationship between religious belief and the modern concept of affirmative tolerance, or affirmation of differences, which has become a pronounced public policy in multicultural liberal societies. The author argues that, while negative tolerance allows sincere religious belief to flourish in (...) the private sphere and for benevolence to be shown to those who are seen as mistaken in their beliefs, affirmative tolerance opens an array of logical issues. The demand to extend potential substantive validation to opposed beliefs produces the ricochet effect of de-validating one’s own beliefs. This creates difficulties for religious communities when issues at stake are beliefs that, in the respective belief-systems, are definitive of the moral goodness and moral badness. Upon a more careful examination of the logical relations between the soteriological promises characteristic of what is sometimes called the ‘substantive’ layer of religiousness, on the one hand, and the public expectation of a tolerant coexistence of religious communities on a social level, on the other hand, it becomes clear that the tolerance required can only be a negative tolerance. Any expectation of affirmative tolerance de-values the soteriological script of the respective system of religious belief, and is thus likely to lead to serious disturbances in a liberal context of multi-cultural coexistence. The author argues that the recent political announcements of a ‘failure of the multicultural experiment’ are caused by the aggressive pursuit of ‘affirmative tolerance’ rather than by any in-built intolerance of others in any of the large religious belief systems now prevalent in the liberal democratic world. (shrink)

Abstract:In this paper, I suggest that the moral incompetence in narcissism is associated with a particular type of emotional incompetence, namely the incompetence to experience the moral emotions, such as empathy, solidarity, loyalty, or love. I then move on to discussing the ethical ramifications of this incompetence, primarily from the point of view of sentimentalist ethics, and conclude that emotional incompetence does not in fact reduce the moral responsibility of a narcissist person, whether diagnosed with Narcissistic Personality Disorder or not. (...) My argument is based on the three criteria of moral responsibility proposed by Philip Pettit, namely those of value relevance, value judgment, and value sensitivity. I suggest that a sentimentalist ethical perspective entails that the satisfaction of two of the mentioned criteria (awareness of the social meaning of one’s choices and sufficient control of one’s actions) constitutes a moral obligation for the agent to satisfy the third criterion, namely to develop the appropriate moral sensibility and competence to actually choose morally correctly. This type of structure of obligation elucidates why narcissism is at the same time a moral failure and a psychopathology. At the same time, my argument portrays narcissism as a particular type of personality disturbance that almost uniquely reaffirms the role of moral re-education as the psychotherapeutic approach. This conclusion points to a potential revival of some of the precepts of Pinel’s affective psycho-pathology, dating back to the very beginnings of the psychotherapeutic clinic. (shrink)

Aleksandar Ignjatović. Delineating Classes of Computational Complexity via Second Order Theories with Weak Set Existence Principles (I).

While most discussions of corruption focus on administration, institutions, the law and public policy, little attention in the debate about societal reform is paid to the “internalities” of anti-corruption efforts, specifically to character-formation and issues of personal and corporate integrity. While the word “integrity” is frequently mentioned as the goal to be achieved through institutional reforms, even in criminal prosecutions, the specifically philosophical aspects of character-formation and the development of corporate and individual virtues in a rational and systematic way tend (...) to be neglected. This paper focuses on the “internalities” of anti-corruption work with special emphasis on the pre-requisites that need to be ensured on behalf of the social elites in order for proper individual and collective character- formation to take place throughout the society. The author argues that a systematic pursuit of socially recognised virtues, both those pertaining to society as a whole and those specific to particular professions and social groups, is the most comprehensive and strategically justified way of pursuing anti-corruption policy, while institutional and penal policies can only serve an auxiliary role. The pursuit of institutional and criminal justice policies against corruption in a society that is subject to increasing relativism with regard to values and morality is at best ineffective, and at worst socially destructive. Thus the paper suggests a re-examination of the social discourse on the level of what the author calls “value strategy” and the gradual building of a plan to create and solidify specifically designed features of “corporate character” for key sectors of the society. This approach can serve as the main long-term strategy to improve the public profile of integrity and reinforce morality in both the public and civil sectors. (shrink)

The paper examines the concept of individual and collective value identities based an emotionalist understanding of values. The main perspective it discusses is one where emotions are the most important practical instruments for the clarification of individual and collective values. The argument implies that moral emotions are not irrational, but have a logic of their own which can reliably pinpoint the persons’ value system; emotions are thus crucial building blocks of an ethics which is able to enhance personal and moral (...) identity. This particular ecology of moral emotions is pivotal in crisis periods, such as the global pandemics, wars or system crashes, either economic, or political, security, diplomatic or cultural. In the current circumstances, where the already shaken individual and collective values throughout the world have been shaken by the Covid 19 pandemic, understanding identities as fundamentally couched in moral emotions may be critical to saving our cultures and our legacies of social and moral capital. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Why Narcissists Are Morally ResponsibleAleksandar Fatic, PhDIn his insightful commentary of ‘Narcissism as a moral incompetence,’ Professor Pies proposes several principal objections to my line of argument. First, Pies mentions that I embrace a Platonic essentialism and a ‘binary’ view of narcissism, whilst in fact narcissistic traits present themselves in degrees, within a continuum of pathology.Let us clarify the meaning of essentialism. When applied to the phenomenology of narcissism, (...) Platonic essentialism would imply that there is an idea, or ideal, of ‘pure’ narcissism, which governs our cognition of narcissistic phenomenology. Without an ‘essentialist’ understanding of what narcissism as a more or less pure phenomenon would look like, it would make no semantic or logical sense to speak of various ‘types’ or ‘degrees’ of narcissism. In the 1940s, in The Concept of Mind, Gilbert Ryle offered the now infamous logical analysis of ‘false’ and ‘true coins’: if there were not true coins of which we had some idea, it would be logically impossible to speak of counterfeit coins (McDermid, 2004; Ryle, 1949, pp. 94–99). There are shoddily produced coins that bear only a vague resemblance to the original idea or mint of the real coin, however, for each we would ultimately have to decide whether the resemblance is sufficient for it to be considered a real coin. Shoddily produced coins represent various ‘degrees’ of resemblance of the idea, or form, of a coin, but to call them coins, and to decide whether they are true coins or not, it is a logical presupposition that we must first have an ‘idea’ of what an ‘ideal’ real coin is like. This, at its core, is essentialism.There is no escape from this type of essentialism in any rigorous argument, because Platonic essentialism is the foundation of the very meanings of the concepts we use. Plato’s ideas are paradigms, where the particular instantiations of their qualities are called ‘phenomena’ (Sedley, 2016; Taylor, 2016). Thus, the nuanced expression of ideas or forms in their various phenomena is the very substance of the essentialist theory of ideas. It appears that Professor Pies is also a Platonic essentialist, as am I.So why is it often impossible in clinical practice to ascribe necessary and sufficient conditions to narcissism? Well, let us remember Rosenhan’s experiments (1973). Rosenhan illustrates how the same individuals were diagnosed with very different disorders by different clinicians at roughly the same time, and how healthy individuals, once they had been instructed to ‘fake’ psychotic symptoms, remained under the same or more serious [End Page 177] diagnoses even when they stopped pretending and behaved completely normally. The reason for the arbitrariness of psych-diagnoses is the insufficiency of the psych-diagnostic language, including the actual diagnostic criteria, a kind of Lacanian ‘lack’ that is built into the very structure of psychodiagnostics (Ruti, 2008), and not a metaphysics behind such use of diagnostic language, whether it is essentialist or non-essentialist. Whether a particular patient actually has NPD or not in practice comes down to a consensual judgement—one that has been notoriously lacking in the history of psychiatry (Verhaeghe, 2008, pp. 71–125).Second, Pies suggests that empathy is ‘a complex, multidimensional construct comprising cognitive and affective components.’ I do not think this is a correct understanding of empathy. In fact, it is a conceptual revision of the original concept of empathy, which is one of a moral emotion (Kauppinen, 2014). What Pies calls ‘cognitive empathy,’ namely the ability to recognize and influence the emotions of others is an entirely different quality capacity that has recently been called ‘emotional intelligence’ (e.g., Conte, 2005). Many Cluster B personality disorders are characterized by an exceptionally high emotional intelligence and an almost complete lack of empathy, which allows them to use their emotional intelligence to manipulate and mistreat others. Surely such emotionally intelligent, but highly malignant strategies would not be considered ‘empathy.”Relatedly, Pies objects to Slote’s alleged view that only actions arising from factual empathy are morally justifiable. This is a ‘naturalist fallacy’ in reading Slote. The natural fallacy is a confusion between the ‘is’ and the ‘ought.’ Slote actually argues that only actions that are consistent with... (shrink)

The paper examines the concept of individual and collective value identities based an emotionalist understanding of values. The main perspective it discusses is one where emotions are the most important practical instruments for the clarification of individual and collective values. The argument implies that moral emotions are not irrational, but have a logic of their own which can reliably pinpoint the persons’ value system; emotions are thus crucial building blocks of an ethics which is able to enhance personal and moral (...) identity. This particular ecology of moral emotions is pivotal in crisis periods, such as the global pandemics, wars or system crashes, either economic, or political, security, diplomatic or cultural. In the current circumstances, where the already shaken individual and collective values throughout the world have been shaken by the Covid-19 pandemic, understanding identities as fundamentally couched in moral emotions may be critical to saving our cultures and our legacies of social and moral capital. (shrink)

Iako 'antroponomijsko pitanje' spada u najstarija filozofska pitanja, pojam 'antroponomija' u filozofiji nikada nije zaziveo. Ipak, s?ma antroponomija, kao teorija o tome sta/kakav covek treba ili moze da bude, nikada nije bila zapostavljena.U ovom radu autor se ogranicava na analize Kantovog, Niceovog i Sloterdajkovog antroponomijskog nacrta.